Why were Alehouses and Gin-shops Threatening to Authorities?

Why were Alehouses and Gin-shops Threatening to Authorities? Why were alehouses and gin-shops threatening to the authorities? This essay will argue that alehouses and gin-shops were threatening to the authorities because they were deemed to disrupt the established social, political and economic order. Commentators of the time, labelled alehouses as nests of Satan[1] and gin-shops as the source of Theft, Murder and Perjury.[2] These hostelries were perceived a widespread menace linking them to crime, poverty, sedition, drunkenness and idleness. At the time, drinking took place in three main types of institutions: the coaching inn that supplied lodgings, victuals and replacement horses, taverns mainly in towns supplying beer and wine, and lastly alehouses, small, often one room, offering only beer. Whilst evidence suggests that government, Parliament, county magistrates and parish constables did not always worry about the same threats, it is likely that much protest and condemnation emanated from the inhabitants of the towns and cities. This viewpoint is supported by extensive research carried out on petition s, legislations, pamphlets, ballads and woodcut prints. There appears a difference in the charges levelled by the authorities between alehouses and gin-shops. With the alehouses, they were concerned in policing to prevent licentiousness and drunkenness, and the latter by moral reformers, targeting the spirits trade and the social problems caused by the labouring classes addiction to gin. This essay will look in detail at the threats posed by the alehouses and the response from government and Parliament. The protests rose from the judgments of the emerging middle-classes, moral reformers identified as Puritans, and local inhabitants. From the mid-seventeenth century, the authorities identified the potential seditious nature of some of the activities within the alehouses. The second part will identify the dangers that the gin craze posed to society at large, the size of the growing problem and the speed of the response of the authorities in tackling this issue. The social function of the alehouses, providing drinking, eating, gambling, dancing and even flirting cannot be underestimated, as these no longer occurred in churchyards following the English Reformation of the 1530s.[3] Recent studies estimate that by 1570 there were 24,000 alehouses, a ratio of 1 every 142 inhabitants, this rose to 50,000 by the 1630s and hit a peak of 60,000 in 1700, a ratio of 1 to every 87 residents.[4] Clearly, as evidence suggests, alehouses were becoming more and more popular, and more and more common within society. The corollary of this expansion infers the central nature and focus of social activities inside the alehouses. It was widely accepted that the alehouses were an essential institution run by the poor for the poor[5], and provided vital income for the innkeeper. In many ways, the alehouses could be said to offer the poor and the unemployed an alternative home.[6] Throughout this period the number of wage-earners within society grew and it is very likely that the authorities feared that people worked just long enough to earn their beer-money rather than spending it on their families, as a petition in Pewsey in Whiltshire demonstrates[7]. It could then be further claimed that this led to a greater strain upon poor relief provided by the parishes because of feckless parents. Samuel Pepys, the diarist, reflects this viewpoint in one of the ballads in his collection: in The Bad-Husbands Folly or Poverty made known a drunken husband who used to spend all his money in strong beer, neglecting his family obligations, repents and vows not to return to the alehouse because Bad company did me undo.[8] The Licencing Act of 1552, set in motion some legal controls over the proliferation of the alehouses, the law stated that to open an alehouse a licence issued by two local Justices of the Peace and evidence of a good character were required.[9] It should also be noted that the late 1500s were a period of bad harvests, hence Parliament and magistrates were probably concerned in storing the grain rather than allowing it to be used for brewing. However, this legislation failed to curb the growth in numbers of the alehouses due to the people not complying with the law and most of them remained unlicensed. This section will address the concerns of the moral reformers, known as Puritans, and of the self-declared better-sort or chief inhabitants of the towns towards the alehouses. Puritanical thought emerged from Protestantism and comprised a moral view of family life in line with scripture. They exercised authority via positions of prominence within society and were ministers of religion, Justices of the Peace, the middle-classes and the gentry. Puritan ministers were not opposed to drinking alcohol in moderation, however the excesses of the alehouses, with all that that entails and the resultant effects on family life were to be condemned. Ministers often took the lead in organising petitions against disorderly alehouses that attracted thieves, prostitutes, gamblers and female drunkards. This hotter sort of Protestants wrote pamphlets attacking the tipplers of the drunkards academye[10] as immoral, depraved and dissolute. Moreover, alehouses attracted people of ill-repute who preferred to drink rather than attend church services on the Sabbath. In addition, a recent study has proved that Puritans disliked the ritual of health-drinking or toasting, full of ceremony, that reminded them of Papist traditions of drinking from the same cup.[11] Besides, healths were often described as lascivious acts that deliberately scorned puritan values and, by declaring allegiance to the king, they were straightforward in resisting Cromwells puritanical regime.[12] Whilst during the Interregnum of 1649-1660 no new legislation was enacted against the alehouses, greater enforcement was undertaken to vet and bar royalist sympathisers from obtaining a licence.[13] Another offensive came from the local yeomanry, gentry and middle-class, who unlike the Puritans, did not seek to suppress all the alehouses, but to censure the ones who were deemed to be in excess, those without a licence, off the beaten path, unruly and disruptive. It was clear that the sheltering of vagrants and prostitutes, the trade of illicit goods and excessive alcohol consumption beyond the point of drunkenness, led to a lack of sleep at night, fights and unchaste behaviour. This habit is cited in the case of Michael Fayered of Inworth in Essex who was accused of having evill rule in his house all night long.[14] Even women alehouse-keepers were deemed to be a menace with the assumption they were setting up brothels and running these establishments with immoral sexual conduct. The number of court cases and protests brought to the attention of government, who sought to limit the effects of drunkenness, led to the Acts of 1604, 1606 and 1618. For the first time, being drunk in public was a finable offence and the annual renewal of licences was established.[15] These acts were more successful than the 1552 Licensing Act and provided some control in confining disorderly behaviour. However, gaming, swearing, tippling, theft, assault and illicit sex were common cases in the law courts. James Scott in his book claims that alehouses hosted a radically subversive culture, one that was well hidden from the view of the elites, hence he coined the term hidden transcript.[16] In support of his thesis, he cites a court case of 1691 where an ale seller in Whiltshire denied hearing any seditious discourses in his house, and that he usually advised his customers not to talk about governments affairs.[17] This statement may infer that political discourse was commonly taking place. In addition, it is possible that it was within the inns and taverns, institutions frequented by the better-sort, that plots against the Crown were hatched. At the same time authorities were concerned about what was really taking place in the alehouses. In the light of these inappropriate political discourses, the targeting of the alehouses might have become a priority for the authorities who sought to crack-down on these behaviours by instituting spies. Records from seventeenth-century Southampton sh ow that a tight surveillance, by both publican and landlords, was in place[18] to make sure that their principal use, victualling and lodging, remained the primary purpose and disorderly behaviour actively discouraged. Thus, the emphasis of the authorities shifted to all forms of recreational drinking which were assumed to be a threat to law and order. Recent historical investigations support the viewpoint that the role of the alehouses for social purposes was more important than the subversive nature previously thought. The observed correlation between alehouses and drunkenness has, in recent years, moved into investigating the alehouse sociability in a more lenient and a less radical approach. The scholar Mark Hailwood demonstrates that it was not always the case that alehouses were the source of lewd behaviour and political radicalism, and that the relationship between getting drunk and being sociable was not antagonistic but interdependent.[19] Sociability might have provided so cial cohesion among people who worked and lived in the same neighbourhood, a jovial environment rather than chaos and disorder. From the proliferation to the peak of the alehouses it took roughly one hundred and fifty years, and several Acts of Parliament before the authorities brought the alehouses under control. By the end of the seventeenth century a new threat appeared on the horizon, namely the Gin Craze. Looking at the effect gin shops had on society and their threat to the authorities, there was an ever-increasing consumption of gin following the banning of French brandy in 1689 by William III. This ban and the London Company of Distillers losing its monopoly led to the increased production of cheap British gin and the establishment of unregulated distillers, who often put turpentine and other lethal ingredients as part of their concoctions. Consequently, thousands of small gin-shops opened in cellars, back rooms of private homes, some people even sold it from pushcarts in the streets. With no regulations in place and a cheap price, the so-called Gin Craze took off. By the mid-1720s the practice of regularly attending dram shops, especially amongst Londons labouring and poor classes, had become a significant social and health concern for the authorities, with the impeding need to pass legislation designed to control the consumption of gin. In contrast to the alehouses, the gin trade and its consumption were opposed mainly by the propertied classes, Puritans and a coalition of Middlesex and Westminster Justices. It can be claimed that the 1729 Gin Act did little or nothing to limit the number of unlicensed premises, which in London alone were about 4,000.[20] Protests against the gin trade reached a fever-pitch by 1735 with the publication of pamphlets, cartoons and treatises. These discourses claimed that drunkenness caused by gin in the street was responsible for social disorders, with an increased number of robberies, fights, murders and deaths by intoxication. It was inferred that the consumption of gin may have been linked to idleness and the incapacity to work, resulting in opportunistic crimes being committed to obtain money to satisfy their addiction to Mother Gin. The Puritans feared that the addled minds of drunk people might have supported the ever-present Jacobean threat, resulting in a return to Catholicism in Britain. These concerns have been well summarised in the 1736 Thomas Wilsons pamphlet Distilled Spirituous Liquors the Bane of the Nation: people were enervated by a fatal love of a slow but sure Poyson.[21] The likely lobbying of Sir John Gonson, a Westminster magistrate, associated with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and Sir Joseph Jekyll, played an active role in the contended passage of the 1736 Gin Act that increased license fees and fines, and also aimed to reduce the smuggling of gin.[22] Historians have started to investigate the impact of gin drinking on society, and according to Peter Clark, the reformists campaign against the spirits trade was exaggerated and sensationalist.[23] His theory is supported by records of the time which demonstrate that in Clarkenwell, Mile End and Stepney, where gin selling was widespread, there was no substantial evidence of increased crime rates, and this was also reflected in the wider country. Despite legislation being enacted in 1736, it failed to regulate gin selling leading to widespread public disorder by 1738. Many of the gin-shops and street gin selling occurred in the southern and eastern suburbs of London where gin was mostly popular amongst women. The increasingly observable situation of drunk mothers and neglected children caused moral outrage to the Puritans with their view of family life[24]. There was a polarisation between drunken behaviour and thriftiness promoted by moralists. It was believed that heavy drinking was increasing the number of mothers and babies deaths, and that gin was the root of disruption of domestic oeconomy and respectability. It was also widely perceived that gin-drinking mothers were regarded to produce a Spindle shankd generation,[25] with the foetus being damaged in the womb. Above all, it was a commonly held thought that drunkenness led to fecklessness, and people were condemned to a life of misery. The renowned 1751 engraving by Wi lliam Hogarth, Gin Lane,[26] highlights all these threats posed to society. The print pictorialises the violence of excessive gin consumption depicting a ragged bare-breasted mother scraping the contents of her snuff box as her child is toppling from her arms down a cellar that bears the inscription Drunk for a penny, Dead drunk for twopence. The new 1751 Act was effective and restricted retailing to respectable sellers and raised duties on distilling, subsequently gin consumption fell. Overall, it can be asserted that the offensives of Parliament, middling urban society and reformers towards gin consumption blamed the poor for their behaviour. This essay had discussed the different reasons why alehouses and gin-shops were a threat to the authorities in early modern England. Even though the consumption of ale had existed within English society in perpetuity, the increased popularity and concentration of excessive beer drinking became a problem from the mid-sixteenth century. Although the authorities were not against drinking per se, they were worried about the acts of disorder caused by excessive drinking. The authority exercised on the alehouses came from above, government and Parliament, and from below by Puritans and citizens. On the other hand, the gin craze was a sudden import from the continent in the late 1600s and started in metropolitan areas as opposed to the mostly rural alehouses. As demonstrated, the gin craze presented similar problems to the authorities as the alehouses, but included more acute threats that required urgent action: extreme criminality, adult mortality and infant deformity. It should be noted t hat the authorities reaction to the alehouses spanned a period of about one-hundred and fifty years and multiple acts of legislation by Parliament. This is a marked difference to legislation against the gin trade that took over a period of about twenty years culminating in the provisions set out in the Act of 1736. The seditious nature of alehouses only became to be considered a problem from the mid-1600s, prior to this period the alehouses were a focus of social discord which could have deemed to have been a threat to authority but it was not in its nature seditious. On the other hand, gin-shops were deemed to be seditious since their inception. The difference in the response by authorities to the alehouses and gin-shops could be partially explained by the hidden rural proliferation of the alehouses amongst the poor, compared to the self-evident chaos observable in Gin Lane by the urban upper and middle-classes. The influence of puritanism and its revulsion of the amoral family val ues, that resulted from the gin-craze, was probably more keenly felt in the metropolitan areas rather than in the countryside. Ultimately, it is very interesting to note the changes in historical perspective with regards to beer. As detailed in Hogarths Beer Street and Gin Lane[27], intended to be viewed together, alehouses were not seen as places of chaos and disorder any more, they were rather a site of social conviviality, in contrast with the parish of St. Giles portrayed as an urban image of an alcohol-induced road to oblivion. [1] Christopher Hudson 1631 in Peter, Clark, The Alehouse and the Alternative Society in Donald Pennington and Keith Thomas (eds.), Puritans and Revolutionaries. Essays in Seventeenth-Century History presented to Christopher Hill, (Oxford, 1978), p.47 [2] Hogarth, William and Fielding, Henry, Gin Lane, (1751) [accessed 15 February 2017] [3] Mark, Hailwood, Alehouses and Good Fellowship in Early Modern England, (Boydell and Brewer Ltd, 2014),p.5 [4] Peter, Clark, The English Alehouse: a Social History 1200-1830, (London, 1983),pp.42-47 [5] Clark, The Alehouse,p.53 [6] Patricia, Fumerton, Not Home: Alehouses, Ballads and the Vagrant Husband in Early Modern England, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies,32:3 (Fall 2002),p.505 [7] Hailwood, Alehouses,p.41 [8] The Bad-Husbands Folly; or, Poverty made known (c.1671-1702), in Pepys Ballads, IV, p. 77 [accessed 15 February 2017] [9] James, Nicholls, The Politics of Alcohol: A History of the Drink Question in England, (Manchester University Press, 2011),p.11 [10] Sir Richard Grosvenor 1625 in Hailwood, Alehouses,p.19 [11] Angela, McShane, Material Culture and Political Drinking in Seventeenth Century England, Past and Present Supplement 9, (2014),p.260 [12] Marika, Keblusek, Wine for Comfort: Drinking and The Royalist Exile Experience, 1642-1660, in Adam Smyth (ed.), A Pleasing Sinne. Drink and Conviviality in Seventeenth-Century England, (Cambridge, 2004),pp.55-68 [13] Bernard, Capp, Englands Culture Wars: Puritan Reformation and Its Enemies in the Interregnum, 1649-1660, (Oxford University Press, 2012),pp.162 [14] Keith, Wrightson, Alehouses, Order and Reformation in Rural England, 1590-1660 in Eileen Yeo and Stephen Yeo, (eds.), Popular Culture and Class Conflict 1590-1914: Explorations in the History of Labour and Leisure, (The Harvester Press Limited, 1981),p.8 [15] Nicholls, Politics,pp.13-15 [16] Scott in Hailwood, Alehouses,p.65 [17] Ibid.,pp.70 [18] James, Brown, Drinking Houses and the Politics of Surveillance in Pre-industrial Southampton, in B. KÃ ¼min (ed.), Political space in Pre-industrial Europe, (Ashgate, 2009),pp.61-80 [19] Mark, Hailwood,'It puts good reason into brains: Popular Understandings of the Effects of Alcohol in Seventeenth-Century England,Brewery History,150 (2013),p.14 [20] Peter, Clark, The Mother Gin Controversy in the Early Eighteenth Century, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,vol.38 (1988),p.68 [21] Wilson in Jonathan, White, The slow but sure Poyson: The Representation of Gin and its Drinkers,1736-1751, Journal of British Studies,42:1(2003),p.46 [22] Clark, Mother Gin,pp.74-75 [23] Ibid.,p.72 [24] Maddox in White, The Representation,p.59-63 [25] Nicholls, The Politics,p.40 [26] Hogarth, Gin Lane, (1751) [27] Hogarth, Beer Street and Gin Lane (1751)

Analysis of Eating Christmas in the Kalahari

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The War On Human Trafficking - 2117 Words

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The book gives specific accounts as to why African Americans were deemed â€Å"The New Problem† and how that changed, highlighting discrimination of African Americans as the real problem. Muhammad also focuses of on the work done by social scientist, criminologist, libertarians, activist of both black and white races and how their work affectedRead More Gender Politics in the Criminal Justice System Essay4043 Words   |  17 Pagesanything but for women. The policies imposed in the criminal justice system affect men and women in extremely dissimilar manners. I plan to examine how gender intersects with the understanding of crime and the criminal justice system. Gender plays a significant role in understanding who commits what types of crimes, why they do so, who is most often victimized, and how the criminal justice system responds to these victims and offenders. In order to understand the current state of women and the way inRead MoreA Interview With The Criminal Justice System2507 Words   |  11 PagesWomen are an increasingly visible segment of the pri son population confined in not just Amderican prsions but also prisons worldwide. Their numbers are increasing at such a rate that far outstrips even the remarkable rate of growth among incarcerated men. In a interview with the Independent, Carol Hedderman, professor of criminology at the University of Leicester, said â€Å"looking at the growing number of women in jail could eventually help lower the prison population overall† (Branagh, 2010). In responseRead MoreDecriminalization of Drugs3014 Words   |  13 Pagesthat America faces a drug addiction that is beyond anything we could have ever anticipated. It is reported that an estimated 22.5 million Americans suffer from a dependency from a drug of some sort, whether it may be stimulants, depressants or hallucinogens (NIDA 2). However these victims of addiction are often demonized for their condition and are treated as criminals by the infallible U.S. Government. As a result there is a trend of 1 in every 100 adults will end up incarcerated for a drug relatedRead MoreEssay on The Gothic Genre and What it Entails6177 Words   |  25 Pageswas published in 1764. Although vilified by much of the contemporary press the Gothic had its champions, many of whom were also its practitioners including Walpole, the subsequent generations Anne Radcliffe and the Marquis de Sade who had his own brand of highly sexualized Gothic. Despite these voices, Gothic was still a marginalised genre in its incipient days, at least in the bulk of critical writing (this is the view of most contemporary historical overviews

Irony in Love Free Essays

Irony in Love Irony is a mystery. The smartest minds of society even contradict themselves; nothing goes as planned. No matter how much people are molded by others, they are always their own individual with their own free will. We will write a custom essay sample on Irony in Love or any similar topic only for you Order Now Love is also a mystery; it is an emotion, but also a psychological necessity. Having immense book smarts and everything planned out does not set the standards for the ideal guy. Conceded, self-centered people have no realization that the world does not revolve around them and their opinion. In many cases, the guy â€Å"on top† does not always get what he wants but what he deserves. In Max Sultan’s, Love Is a Fallacy, the story has almost no association with the emotion love; it follows the material, selfish, earthly values of humans. Salmon portrays how irony can be seen through a man teaching a woman how to be logic, but then the woman turns away. Logically choosing another mate. A young law student pursues Poly Espy; a beautiful, graceful classmate who is not the brilliant compared to him. He aims to teach her logic, making them the â€Å"perfect† pair. In his arrogance he neglects to see that Poly is her own person and does not have to choose him, no matter his educational status. After all the knowledge given to her, she makes the decision to â€Å"go steady’ with his roommate, Petty Bellows, realizing their relationship is not a logical choice for her life. As John Gay has said â€Å"follow love and it will flee, flee love and it will follow. † Poly sees right through the main character, all his â€Å"hard work† back fired. In the end of the story she has no interest in him. With all his intelligence, he has no emotions. Everything enters around him. During the story, Poly and the future lawyer meet for their â€Å"dates† at the Knoll. Known for being regularly visited by young couples as a hook up spot. Though this young couple ironically goes to talk about logic. The young law student could have taken her any. Veer at all, but chose to take her to a romantic spot for a non-romantic conversation. His unconscious, emotionless choice provides the audience and Poly even more information to come to the conclusion that he isn’t emotionally interested; even though he stated it early in the story. For him this is strictly an experiment to see if Poly is â€Å"worthy’ of him. He would rather spend the time â€Å"correcting† Polyps mind because she is â€Å"logic-proof,† than trying to get to know her for who she really is. In doing this he debilitates the chemical process the brain completes in order to feel the emotion of lust and attraction. Everyone and everything has to measure up to him or it is not good enough. Though, in the end the law student doesn’t measure up to his roommate that is â€Å"dumb as an ox. † At the end of the story, Poly chooses Petty over the pompous law student imply because of the raccoon coat. Ironically the reason petty has the coat is because of the fact that his roommate gave him it for the girl. Poly hilariously proves to the young man that no matter how well put together someone’s future or current situation in life, something as simple as a raccoon coat can leave you in the dust. From the very beginning, Poly and Petty already had chemistry. Like John Dryden once said â€Å"love is not in our choice but in our fate,† there was something established prior. The young lawyer sought out to take her, not even considering she needed to be won over. Once again not thinking about another individual’s opinion, only his need and wants to become a â€Å"successful† lawyer. Proven in Love Is a Fallacy, you can educate someone to a higher standard but the repercussions of that action may not be in your favor. This lead to the knowledge that having a giant intellect does not mean that an individual knows everything, especially about love. Many geniuses do not understand that not every aspect of life needs to be mathematically calculated to precision. People are singular because no one is exactly alike. How to cite Irony in Love, Papers

Creationism vs. Evolution Essay Example For Students

Creationism vs. Evolution Essay In my short life on this planet I have come to question things that many take upon blind faith. We all know that we must some day die; yet we continuously deny the forces at work inside ourselves, which want to search out the answers of what may or may not come after. It is far easier for humanity to accept that they will go to a safe haven and be rewarded for their lives with pleasures and fantasies of an unfathomable scale than to question the existence of a supposed omnipotent being. Yet, there are a few of us humans who tend to question the whys and wherefores that society puts forth to us. We question the existence of God, or the creation of mankind rather than blindly accepting faith-filled beliefs we may received from our parents as children. Perhaps it is because we live in a nation filled with many peoples of different beliefs whose Gods are all so varied and different that it is difficult to fathom that they are all the same divine being. It is also plausible that we just h ave a desire to quench the thirst for knowledge that lies deep within ourselves. As for myself, I cannot believe in a being which created a universe and amultitude of worlds in a rather short period of time then deigns to lower itself into becoming a puppet-master and pulling the strings of the Earth and all of the people therein. Since this paper touches upon many scientific terms, I feel that in order for the reader to correctly grasp the content I must first define three words: Theory, Law, and Hypothesis. The definitions will allow for a greater underezding of this essay and give us an even ground upon which to begin. Theory; noun1. a. Systematically organized knowledge applicable in a relatively wide variety of circumezces, especially a system of assumptions, accepted principles, and rules of procedure devised to analyze, predict, or otherwise explain the nature or behavior of a specified set of phenomena. b. Such knowledge or such a system. 2. An assumption based on limited information or knowledge; a conjecture. Law; noun1. a. A formulation describing a relationship observed to be invariable between or among phenomena for all cases in which the specified conditions are met: the law of gravity. b. A generalization based on consistent experience or results: the law of supply and demand; the law of averages. Hypothesis; noun1. A tentative explanation that accounts for a set of facts and can be tested by further investigation; a theory. 2. Something taken to be true for the purpose of argument or investigation; an assumption. It is important that you thoroughly read the above definitions or you will be at a disadvantage if you do not. You will note thatthere are several different definitions to each word. I felt it was important to include the added definitive statement to theory because it shows the difference between a scientific theory and an everyday theory based upon conjecture. The additional definitions to law and hypothesis are both added for a further underezding of these words. The definition of creationism is somewhat more complex. One must start by saying that the belief in the creation of the universegiven at the beginning of the Bible is literally true. Creationism is a belief based solely upon faith (which is a belief in and of itself). There are no scientific facts as a basis for this belief, solely conjectural theories and speculations. It is ingrained into our minds, as children that a belief of a force, or supernatural entity, which is all powerful and all knowing, is watching over us and taking care of our needs. Yet, to me, saying this very sort of thing is heretical in its very essence. To be so crude as to think that some being which created the universe itself and all things in it would take the time to care for each and every individual is incomprehensible. In practically all ancient cultures, the biblical included, the universe was thought of as an original chaos into which order had been introduced by a creative hand: This was the essence o f creation.1 In this statement alone we